Attachment Styles & Culture: Are You Secure?

Attachment styles are psychological frameworks that describe how we form and maintain emotional bonds with others, particularly in close relationships

These styles are typically developed in early childhood through interactions with caregivers and can significantly influence how we relate to others throughout our lives. 

A 1986 study by Takahashi found that, when using Western attachment style classifications, double the number of Japanese infants were categorized as insecure-resistant when compared with American babies. 

This raises an important question: Are Japanese infants more prone to forming unhealthy attachments, or is the classification system skewed by ethnocentricity?

This issue highlights the need to understand cultural variations in attachment and the complexities involved in studying attachment across different cultures.

Attachment Varies by Culture

Attachment theory in psychology investigates whether attachment styles differ based on cultural practices or whether they are universal

According to Bowlby’s Monotropic Theory of Attachment, attachment is an inherent mechanism that ensures infants bond with their caregivers for survival

He argued that this attachment serves as a template, or “internal working model,” for all future relationships.

Bowlby’s theory suggests that the drive to develop a secure attachment is a biological, universal trait found in all human infants.

However, many scholars have criticized Bowlby for failing to consider cultural variations in child-rearing practices. 

These cultural differences can significantly influence attachment styles, suggesting that attachment may not be as biologically determined as Bowlby proposed. 

In cultures where different social norms around caregiving exist, attachment behaviors may reflect those norms rather than innate patterns. 

For instance, some cultures might encourage more physical closeness or independence, which could lead to different attachment behaviors.

Assessing Attachment

Mary Ainsworth’s “Strange Situation” is the primary method for assessing attachment styles in infants. 

In this procedure, an infant’s behavior is observed during a series of interactions, such as when a caregiver exits the room, when the infant is left with a stranger, and when the caregiver returns. 

Based on their responses, infants are classified into three categories: secure, insecure-avoidant, or insecure-resistant. 

While the Strange Situation has been extensively used in the U.S. and Europe, it was developed based on middle-class, Western family dynamics, which may not capture the nuances of attachment in non-Western cultures. 

For instance, behaviors classified as insecure-resistant in Japan, such as clinging to a parent, might simply reflect cultural norms of close physical proximity between mother and child.

Cross-Cultural Studies

To explore the validity of Bowlby’s claims, studies have been conducted to compare attachment styles across cultures. 

Cultural variations in attachment refer to differences in social norms around caregiving and how these influence attachment styles. 

These variations can challenge the idea that all infants form attachments in the same way. 

For example, research by Van Ijzendoorn and Kroonenberg compared attachment styles across eight countries, showing significant cross-cultural differences. 

While American infants predominantly exhibited secure attachments (as defined by Western standards), other cultures displayed different attachment patterns without negative consequences for children’s emotional development.

Cultural variations in attachment challenge the assumption that attachment styles are universal. 

We’ll explore this further next week.

The Smile Effect: How Culture Shapes Who We Trust

How do people determine trustworthiness in others? 

While research has shown that smiling faces are generally trusted more than non-smiling ones, the perception of trustworthiness varies significantly across cultures. 

We discussed this in last week’s blog, which examined cross-cultural research that delved into the complex and varied interpretations of smiling.

Yet another study on the subject seems to confirm that research.

Exploring the “smile effect” in American and Japanese participants, this study focuses on how different elements of a smile – intensity at the eyes, intensity at the mouth, and facial symmetry – influence judgments of trustworthiness.

Let’s dive in.

Cultural Variations in Smile Perception

Researchers initially had Japanese participants rate 54 American and 69 Japanese male faces for smile intensity at the eyes and mouth, as well as facial symmetry. 

These images were then presented to 142 American and 80 Japanese participants, who rated each face’s trustworthiness.

The findings revealed stark cultural differences

Japanese participants found faces with greater upper-half (eye) intensity and smile symmetry to be more trustworthy but viewed faces with greater lower-half (mouth) intensity as less trustworthy. 

Conversely, American participants perceived faces with greater lower-half intensity as more trustworthy, while upper-half intensity and smile symmetry had no significant impact.

Understanding These Differences

Why do these cultural differences occur? 

The study suggests that in Japanese culture, people tend to control their emotional expressions, relying more on the eyes and smile symmetry, which are harder to manipulate, to judge trustworthiness. 

Additionally, in Japan, highly expressive smiles are less appropriate in cooperative contexts, leading to a lower trust rating for strongly smiling faces.

In contrast, American culture encourages overt emotional expression

Therefore, American participants focused more on the mouth, the most expressive part of the face, when making trust judgments.

Additional Findings

The study also examined other personality traits and found a variety of cultural differences and similarities.

Interestingly, American faces were rated by Japanese participants as more trustworthy than Japanese ones, while Japanese faces were rated by American participants as more trustworthy than American ones. 

This suggests that cultural biases can influence perceptions of trustworthiness.

The study had several limitations. 

The three smile elements were rated only by Japanese participants, and these ratings may differ across cultures. 

The photographs used were taken for electoral campaigning, which might not reflect everyday expressions.

Furthermore, only male faces were used, so future studies should include female faces to see if the findings apply across genders.

Smile Trustworthiness

This study highlights significant cultural differences in how trustworthiness is inferred from smiles. 

To fully understand the detection of trustworthiness, future research should explore how people express their intentions and emotions when they have an incentive to be trusted, considering both the receivers and senders of facial signals. 

Additionally, understanding the historical context and origins of these cultural differences would provide a deeper insight into the mechanisms of nonverbal communication, which becomes more important as the world becomes more globally connected.

Building Bonds Across Borders: The Crucial Role of Trust in Cross-Cultural Negotiations

Who do you trust? And why?

The answer may be partially rooted in your culture.

Through two eye-opening experiments in a study on cross-cultural differences in trust, researchers examined how people from different cultures build trust with strangers

They focused on Americans and Japanese, expecting their trust-building methods to differ. 

And they were right.

American vs. Japanese Trust

For Americans, trust was thought to come from shared group memberships, while for Japanese, it was about having direct or indirect connections with others.

The results confirmed these ideas. 

In both experiments – one involving questions and the other a money-sharing game – Americans trusted people from their in-group more. 

But for the Japanese, something interesting happened: when there was a chance of having an indirect connection with someone outside their group, their trust increased even more than for Americans.

These findings show how cultural backgrounds shape the way we trust others. 

For Americans, it’s about being part of the same group, while for Japanese, it’s more about having connections, even if they’re not direct. 

Understanding these differences is crucial for better communication and relationships across cultures.

And for negotiations.

Understanding the Significance of Trust

In cross-cultural negotiations, trust goes beyond mere reliance on promises or assurances; it reflects a deep-seated belief in the integrity, credibility, and goodwill of one’s counterparts. 

Trust fosters open communication, facilitates collaboration, and enhances the likelihood of reaching mutually satisfactory outcomes. 

Without trust, negotiations may stall, misunderstandings may arise, and relationships may falter.

Strategies for Building Trust Across Cultural Divides

Think about what you learned in the earlier study.

Before negotiations commence, you might consider researching how the culture views trust and attempting to adapt to that view

For instance, let’s say you’re a businessperson from the United States negotiating a deal with a company based in Japan. 

In American culture, trust might be primarily based on shared goals or business interests. 

However, in Japanese culture, trust is often built through personal connections and relationships.

To adapt to the Japanese cultural sense of trust, you might prioritize building rapport and establishing personal connections before diving into business discussions. 

This could involve taking the time to engage in small talk, showing genuine interest in your Japanese counterparts’ backgrounds and interests, and demonstrating respect for their cultural norms and customs.

By understanding and adapting to the Japanese view of trust, you can lay the foundation for a more productive and harmonious negotiation process, ultimately increasing the likelihood of reaching a mutually beneficial agreement.

We’ll discuss more strategies for building trust next week.

Assertive vs. Avoidance Tactics: How Does Culture Determine Approach to Conflict Resolution?

How do you approach conflict resolution?

Are you tactically assertive or avoidant?

And is your approach determined by personality or culture?

Over the coming weeks, I’ll discuss scientific studies dealing with the six cultural constructs, the first of which is individualism versus collectivism.

This paper by cognitive and cross-cultural psychologist, C. Dominik Guess, takes a look at conflict resolution in individualist and collectivist cultures.

Japan Collectivism vs. US Individualism

One of the studies in Guess’ paper explores how cultural background shapes the way conflict is handled – specifically, American individualism versus Japanese collectivism.

A group of researchers, led by Ohbuchi, Fukushima, and Tedeschi, gathered American and Japanese students and unleashed the power of conflict recall. 

They asked participants to dig deep into their memories and recall a conflict they had experienced.

These participants were then asked to share their conflict experience – what they did, what they wanted to achieve, etc. 

Using rating scales, they were asked to measure various aspects of the conflict, like goals and tactics. 

In the battlefield of conflict, four major tactics emerged, each with its own arsenal of sub-tactics: conciliation, assertion, third-party intervention, and avoidance.

The Four Tactics

Let’s better understand the four tactics identified.

Conciliation this tactic involves finding common ground. It’s a way to indirectly communicate expectations and build bridges. 

Assertion this tactic is a bold and assertive move, where you fiercely demand what you want.

Third-party intervention this tactic involves calling in reinforcements in the form of seeking help or advice from an outsider. 

Avoidance this tactic is the ultimate passivity, dodging confrontation like a pro.

Considering these differing approaches to conflict resolution, you can imagine the cultural clash that may result.

The Results: Assertive vs. Avoidant

As you may have guessed, the American students, with their individualistic spirit, generally used assertive tactics in their conflicts. 

On the flip side, the Japanese students, being the collectivist champions they are, took a more subtle approach overall. 

They opted for avoidance tactics, sidestepping confrontation and prioritizing harmony in their relationships.

This may be because each group’s main goal in these conflicts also differed.

The Japanese participants prioritized their relationships, while the American participants’ goal was more often geared toward achieving a sense of justice.

While the results confirm what most would have hypothesized, considering what we already know about individualist and collectivist cultures, the research could be adapted so that the type of conflict being discussed is more uniform. 

An individual’s approach (the tactics and goals) may vary based on the conflict.

As the students were allowed to choose whichever conflict they wanted to assess, their responses may have differed based upon the type they chose.

Regardless, this study may tell us something key about how individualists and collectivists approach conflict: individualists with justice in mind, and collectivists with harmony.

Is It Worth the Risk?: Different Cultural Takes on Risk Perception

Are some cultures greater risk-takers than others?

This study dove in to find out.

Analyzing the data of respondents from Germany, Poland, the US, and China, the study measured respondents’ risk preference for pricing financial options.

These are their findings.

Hypothesis

Studies have shown a correlation between a culture’s position on the individualism-collectivism scale and its risk preference.

Called the Cushion Hypothesis (Weber & Hsee, 1998), the theory suggests that those from collectivist cultures are more likely to take financial risks.

Why?

Due to the perceived support from their collectivist culture and, thus, the reduced negative consequences such a risk might have on the individual.

While this study did arrive at the same conclusion – that the collectivist society of China was less risk-averse than its American counterpart – it did identify a more specific reason for it.

Risk-Averse

The majority of respondents in all four cultures were identified as risk-averse (i.e. they were willing to pay more for options they saw as “less risky”).

When you look at a risk-return conceptualization, it is natural that most people, no matter what culture, would perceive risk this way.

When risk preference was evaluated in the traditional expected-utility framework, Chinese respondents were considerably less risk-averse in pricing than Americans.

But what this study found was that the difference in risk preference may not be due to a cultural attitude toward perceived risk; instead, it appears largely due to the perception of the financial options’ risk itself.

Chinese participants simply did not find the options as risky as their counterparts.

Conclusion

The study states:

“Chinese respondents were closest to risk neutrality in their pricing of the financial options and judged the risk of these options to be the lowest, but were not significantly less perceived-risk averse.

“American and Germans offered the lowest prices and also perceived the risk of the options to be highest, but were not significantly more perceived-risk averse.”

One might practically apply this knowledge to commerce and negotiation when working across these particular cultures, affording both negotiators joint gains.

The study concludes that while cultures do vary on a collectivism-individualism continuum which undoubtedly impacts perceived risk, other cultural factors in risky decision-making – locus of control, differences in achievement motivation, etc. – may also come into play in risk preference.

Further studies into the subject might provide more insight.